Mahathir is a quick thinking
political animal who believes he has an answer to every question and a solution
for every problem. His visions of development are on a pharaonic scale and he
is a law unto himself. He has never
concealed his disdain for democratic ideals, lamenting that the Great Unwashed
are not quite ready to think for themselves.
Having ensured while he was
education minister that students be vigorously discouraged, if not disallowed,
from independent thought, he secretly feels that the ignorant and dull-witted
masses should not be allowed to vote. Elections, therefore, are seen as a
necessary evil but - with a little help from a compliant election commission
and national registration department - they can be circumvented by systematic gerrymandering,
postal and phantom votes, and a heavily rigged electoral roll. So long as the
votes are in his favor, Mahathir will tolerate the concept of a guided
democracy.
Pushed to step down when he became a grave liability
To ensure that he remained in power
indefinitely, he made the post of Umno president virtually unchallengeable. He
sacked every deputy who posed a serious threat to his dominance, and promoted
self-serving spineless sycophants to ministerial positions. He castrated the
monarchy in 1983, thus paving the way to ultimately appointing himself lifetime
President of a gleaming new Malaysian republic – but he knew he had to bide his
time with this grandiose ambition.
 |
| Anwar Ibrahim, antidote to Mahathirism |
Alas, he had not reckoned with the
tenacity of his erstwhile deputy Anwar Ibrahim - whom he sacked in September
1998 and then proceeded to crucify with an unimaginably malicious campaign to
forever destroy his reputation and career. Anwar stood his ground and
maintained his dignity, despite being imprisoned for 6 years on fabricated
charges. Mahathir’s vindictiveness backfired and Anwar’s popularity began to
escalate, splitting the Malays into opposing camps.
On 31 October 2003 Mahathir was
forced to step down because he had become a grave liability to Umno – or,
rather Umno Baru, the ersatz party Mahathir conjured into being in 1988 through
sheer sleight of hand. But that didn’t stop Mahathir from daydreaming of a
political dynasty. After all, his political enemies had established their own
dynasties – why should he not aspire to the same?
Frankenstein's monster
 |
| Abdullah Badawi |
Working indefatigably behind the
scenes Mahathir used his vast resources and an influential cabal of loyalists
to undermine his successors, Abdullah Badawi and Najib Razak. Age was against
Mahathir, so he would focus on ruling by proxy through his youngest son
Mukhriz. Finally he managed to get Mukhriz, a political nonentity, appointed
Mentri Besar of Kedah, Mahathir’s home state. The next step was to ensure
Mukhriz a vice-presidency in Umno.
Despite all his efforts Mahathir has
failed to get what he wants for his son Mukhriz. Like all megalomaniacs,
Mahathir surrounded himself with devotees and worshipers, effectively insulating
himself from the growing resentment and hostility of an increasingly
well-informed electorate. His inflamed ego refused to accept the possibility
that he was no longer relevant to the swiftly changing political landscape.
Umno Baru, the Frankenstein’s
monster with a voracious appetite for instant riches that Dr Mahathir created,
had acquired a will of its own and was no longer obedient to its creator.
Choosing between two evils - Hisham and Mukhriz
Now let us consider the winning
candidates in Umno’s recent elections.
 |
| Zahid Hamidi |
Zahid Hamidi had campaigned
vigorously to win the elections. As newly appointed home minister, Zahid had
the advantage of incumbency and he rode the wave of communal paranoia stirred
up by Mahathir to keep the races divided and easily misruled.
Hishammuddin Hussein has a long and
established family history in politics and government -plus he has Najib’s
support and consent. The fact that he won by only a narrow margin indicates his
failure to impress as a leader. Between Najib and Mahathir’s camps, the
sentiment was less in Hishammuddin’s favor than it was against Mahathir getting
his way – and the lion’s share of the goodies - once again.
Shafie Apdal is basically a lone
ranger and a newbie in national politics but he has the advantage of being an
important minister at the federal level and has been in that position for
almost two terms. This is the main factor that enabled Shafie to build
nationwide support among the grassroots.
 |
| Mukhriz Mahathir |
Mukhriz Mahathir, on the other hand,
was hesitant and only announced his candidacy at the last minute. He lacked
self-confidence and could only resort to empty bluster. After entering the race
he depended on his campaign manager, none other than his wily father, to
promote him. As the youngest Mahathir scion, Mukhriz always had it easy. He
made his fortune on business monopolies handed to him on a silver platter. So
Mukhriz just sat back and hoped for the best.
Najib tricked Mahathir
Mahathir underestimated Najib, who
cunningly appeased Mahathir by agreeing to Mukhriz’s appointment as Mentri
Besar of Kedah, where he could play big fish in a small pond – but without
national level support, Mukhriz was unlikely to make much of a splash in Umno
Baru’s vice-presidential contest.
Mahathir has several strategies
 |
| Najib Razak |
Until he achieves his objectives,
Mahathir won’t leave well enough alone. That’s the nature of the vicious
political beast in him - and he certainly won’t leave Najib Razak alone.
Mahathir the Unstoppable may have officially relinquished the post of Umno Baru
president and prime minister, but his unrelenting ego ensures that nothing
short of death will bring his insatiable powerlust to an end. Even then, he
will not quickly be forgotten, as the administrative mess he left behind will
take at least another generation to sort out.
Those who thwart Mahathir’s will
face the full force of his vengeance. The man who ruled with an iron hand for
22 years is now on a do-or-die mission to reinstate his political influence and
protect his self-aggrandizing legacy.
Mahathir knows he cannot do it on his own
 |
| Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah |
Mahathir cannot defeat Najib on his
own. He must have a team, the same scenario that Ku Li used when challenging
Mahathir, with Team A pitted against Team B.
Mahathir realizes that his power is
diminishing by the day, and the first thing he must do is to consolidate whatever
resources he still controls.
Since many of the UMNO leaders are
now bowing to Najib and kissing his hand, Mahathir has to get help from outside
UMNO: independent players, ultra-Malay NGOs and mercenary bloggers. He will
have to spend a lot of money, which he can, of course, afford.
He will have to win the hearts of
Najib’s enemies within Umno Baru. Fallen leaders like former Melaka Mentri
Besar Ali Rustam who yearns to be restored to power and glory; Idris Jusoh, who
covets the post of the Menteri Besar of Terengganu; and a handful who were
offered obscure posts but dream of greater things. These are the ones who can
be persuaded to be on Mahathir’s side.
Drawing strength from other stakeholders
 |
| Ultra-rightwing Malay NGO president Zaik Abdul Rahman |
Mahathir will welcome those in the business
community who have been left out by Najib - and there are quite a few of them
now. They too are waiting for Mahathir to do something to make the situation
right for them because Najib and Rosmah have closed the doors in their faces.
Mahathir has to ensure that media
like TV3 and Utusan will give him enough exposure to voice his thoughts, if not
put him in the limelight so he can overshadow Najib. Mahathir still has his
loyalists in these media - and he has to ‘persuade’ those who are pro-Najib to
not totally ignore him.
Besides empowering himself, Mahathir
has to weaken Najib by sabotaging his network and loosening his grip. Mahathir
has no choice but to depend on previous scandals and any new ones that may crop
up: revive the old ones and blow the new ones out of proportion.
Mahathir need not worry too much
about getting external help to tarnish Najib’s image because numerous NGOs and
the Opposition are already doing this.
Modus operandi - Attack, attack, attack
Mahathir now has to attack Najib by
undermining Najib’s closest associates, his friends and family members.
Mahathir will attempt to ridicule, if not disgrace, all of Najib’s appointees.
The dust hasn’t really settled on
the recent Umno Baru elections. Not by a long shot.
[From Malaysia Chronicle, 27 October 2013]
